Archive for the REMEMBER Category

الضمير العربي

Posted in ABUSE, Afghanistan, Africa, Another light in the dark..., blog, blogg, crimes, Gaza, Human Rights, Irak, Iran, Iraq, Lebanon, LIBYA, MIDDLE EAST, My fight…, My truth…, Orient, Palestine, Quotes, religion, REMEMBER, Terra, terror, The reality behind the shadows…, truth, Uncategorized, war crimes, world on March 31, 2011 by Djiin Of Truth

Hey my friend hey human here or anywhere
I am sending you my message to cover with it the sadness

We build by millions with justice and faith
Let me and u build the world with safety

People hearts dead..gallantry dead inside us
Maybe we forget a day that arabs are brothers

We said the ray of light in our first dream
Reaches a sky and seas not more for sorrow

It`ve been lait `cause the night let the conscience dumb
If there isn`t but just one day we should dream

People hearts dead..gallantry dead inside us
Maybe we forget a day that arabs are brothers

The origin of people is a human being and all prophets are brotheres
Musaa and eisaa and Mohammed refuses the aggression

They refuse our disgrace they glorify the human
Allah is love `cause Allah is peace

People hearts dead..gallantry dead inside us
Maybe we forget a day that arabs are brothers

Kids..old men..ladies screaming and no one hears
Corpses..bloods..martyrs..and the conscience of the world is lost

People hearts dead..gallantry dead inside us
Maybe we forget a day that arabs are brothers

I refuse ur domination under the cover of freedom
I refuse ur opinion ur advices in the name of democracy

Freedom is not a grant you give me as a favor
Our willpower will erase the misfortune wake up hey arab nation

People hearts dead..gallantry dead inside us
Maybe we forget a day that arabs are brothers

Their game is to enchanting us and we should be awake
Enchanting and its fire so we have to be awake

Dont say muslim or christian we are all one and brothers
Dont say sonni or she`ei we all calls lebanon

People hearts dead..gallantry dead inside us
Maybe we forget a day that arabs are brothers

We used to take care of our neighbors rights
This feel goes strong without a decision

We cry and people tears are blood without lying
And if the feelings sleep what`ll crying do

People hearts dead..gallantry dead inside us
Maybe we forget a day that arabs are brothers

The feeling dead inside us or we are whom deads?
Or do our hearts full of sadness and mazes?

The weapons of denounces with us carried to a time of crisis
And people is suffering with us in a beginnings without ending

People hearts dead..gallantry dead inside us
Maybe we forget a day that arabs are brothers

Wake up my brother in blood and get the power up
And scream and say with mouth .the top never ubsents

We`ll risest what ever they say terror or aggression
Our hearts will never calm down until we meet the failures

People hearts dead..gallantry dead inside us
Maybe we forget a day that arabs are brothers

Ghazza..baghdad..beirut..sadness is everywhere
Our resolution never`ll be strong with faith

We r all brothers in a crisis and one hand against the enemy
We r all awake to thier enchanting and we r all for the homeland

People hearts dead..gallantry dead inside us
Maybe we forget a day that arabs are brothers

peace is never been a dreams we saw in a sleep
injustice is everywhere plz people stop talking

how will we live safety how`ll we live in peace
and your north lebanon planting the torpedos

people hearts dead..gallantry dead inside us
maybe we forget a day that arabs are brothers

the sun will never rise what ever the children dies
the pain will be pleasant at last and lebanon will refresh

lebanon will back more beautiful and will stay forever
palastines land will continue and the rights will back to iraqis

people hearts dead..gallantry dead inside us
maybe we forget a day that arabs are brothers

hey arab brothers we get like strangers
hey our arabian silance help this absent is enough

raise ur heads above let the speach
taste the conscience hey arabs..its impossible you die

people hearts dead..gallantry dead inside us
maybe we forget a day that arabs are brothers

Allah Allah enemy enchants us
i call you Allah never disappointe our prays

wake the arabian conscience and reback the feelings
erase up the misory wake the peopls conscience

people hearts dead..gallantry dead inside us
maybe we forget a day that arabs are brothers




يا صاحبي يا إنسان هنا او في اي مكان
ببعث رسالتي ليك نطوي بها الاحزان

نبني مع الملايين بالعدل والايمان
يلا انا وانت نبني العالم امان

ماتت قلوب الناس ماتت بنا النخوة
يمكن نسينا في يوم إن العرب اخوة

قلنا شعاع النور في حلمنا الأول
يوصل سما وبحور لا للاسف اطول

طول لان الليل خلى الضمير أبكم
لو باقي فينا يوم لابد أن نحلم

ماتت قلوب الناس ماتت بنا النخوة
يمكن نسينا في يوم إن العرب اخوة

أصل البشر إنسان كل الرسل اخوان
موسى وعيسى ومحمد بيرفضوا العدوان

وبيرفضوا ذلنا بيمجدوا الانسان
الله هو المحبة لانه هو السلام

ماتت قلوب الناس ماتت بنا النخوة
يمكن نسينا في يوم إن العرب اخوة

اطفال شيوخ نساء تصرخ ومحدش سامع
اشلاء دماء شهداء وضمير العالم ضايع

ماتت قلوب الناس ماتت بنا النخوة
يمكن نسينا في يوم إن العرب اخوة

انا رافضة انا هيمنتك تحت ستار الحرية
انا رافضة رايك نصحك باسم الدمقراطية

الحرية مش منحة تتفضل بيها عليا
ارادتنا تمحي المحنة اصحي يا امة يا عربية

ماتت قلوب الناس ماتت بنا النخوة
يمكن نسينا في يوم إن العرب اخوة

لعبتهم هي الفتنة ولازم نكون صاحيين
الفتنة ونار الفتنة ولابد نكون واعيين

لا تقول مسلم ومسيحي كلنا واحد اخوان
لا تقول سني ولا شيعي كلنا اسمنا لبنان

ماتت قلوب الناس ماتت بنا النخوة
يمكن نسينا في يوم إن العرب اخوة

هي عادة فينا نرعى حقوق الجار
هذه الشعور غدت عزم بغير قرار

نبكي ودمع الناس دم بغير رياء
فإذا غفى الإحساس ماذا يفيذ بكاء

ماتت قلوب الناس ماتت بنا النخوة
يمكن نسينا في يوم إن العرب اخوة

مات الاحساس جوانا ولا احنا اللي اموات
ولا قلوبنا مليانه بالحزن والمتاهات

سلاح الشجب معانه شايلينه للازمات
والناس بتعاني معانا بدايات من غير نهايات

ماتت قلوب الناس ماتت بنا النخوة
يمكن نسينا في يوم إن العرب اخوة

قوم يا اخي بالدم واستنهض الهمة
واصرخ وقل بالفم ماغاب في القمة

سنقاوم مهما قالوا ارهابا او عدوان
لن يهدأ قلب فينا حتى نلقى الجبناء

ماتت قلوب الناس ماتت بنا النخوة
يمكن نسينا في يوم إن العرب اخوة

غزة بغداد بيروت الحزن في كل مكان
عزيمتنا لا ماتموت راح تقوى بالايمان

كلنا اخوان في الازمه ايد وحده على العدوان
كلنا واعيين للفتنه كلنا ملك للاوطان

ماتت قلوب الناس ماتت بنا النخوة
يمكن نسينا في يوم إن العرب اخوة

عمر السلام ماكان احلام بنشوفها منام
الظلم في كل مكان ياناس كفاية كلام

ازاي حنعيش في امان ازاي حنعيش في سلام
وانت في جنوب لبنان زارع ارضنا الغام

ماتت قلوب الناس ماتت بنا النخوة
يمكن نسينا في يوم إن العرب اخوة

الشمس مش هتغيب مهما يموتوا الاطفال
الجرح مصيره يطيب لبنان ولا داري كان

حيرجع لبنان اجمل وهيفضل ديما باقي
ارض فلسطين هتكمل والحق يعود لعراقي

ماتت قلوب الناس ماتت بنا النخوة
يمكن نسينا في يوم إن العرب اخوة

ياخوية يا عربي احنا بقينا غراب
يا صمتنا العربي انقد كفاية غياب

ارفع جبينك فوق خلي الكلام
ذوق يا ضميرنا يا عربي مو حال موتك مو حال

ماتت قلوب الناس ماتت بنا النخوة
يمكن نسينا في يوم إن العرب اخوة

الله يا الله عاذوا بنا الاعداء
ناديت يا الله ماخاب فيك رجاء

أيقظ ضمير الأمة رجع لها الإحساس
يا رافع الغمة صحي ضمير الناس

ماتت قلوب الناس ماتت بنا النخوة
يمكن نسينا في يوم إن العرب اخوة


Evidence of Inaction (Genocide in Rwanda – 1994)

Posted in Africa, Another side of this world…, CIA, crimes, Documentary, focus, Human Rights, LIBYA, MI6, MOSSAD, Quotes, REMEMBER, Shin Bet, Terra, terror, terrorism, The reality behind the shadows…, truth, Uncategorized, USA, world on March 28, 2011 by Djiin Of Truth


On April 6, 1994, Rwandan President Juvenal Habyarimana’s personal plane, a gift from French president Francois Mitterand, was shot down as it returned to Rwanda, killing Habyarimana, Burundian president Cyprien Ntarymira, and members of their entourages.  The two presidents were returning from Tanzania, where they’d met with regional leaders concerning events in Burundi.  Habyarimana himself was pressed to implement the power-sharing Arusha Accord his government had concluded with the rebel Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) in August 1993, which capped three years of war, cease-fires and negotiations.  To do so, however, would mean the effective end of his 20-year, one-party rule over Rwandan politics and society.  Extremists in the military and government bitterly opposed the accord; they are the likely culprits in his assassination.  Within an hour of the plane crash, the Presidential Guard, elements of the Rwandan armed forces (FAR) and extremist militia (Interahamwe andImpuzamugambi) set up roadblocks and barricades and began the organized slaughter, starting in the capital Kigali, of nearly one million Rwandans in 100 days time.  Their first targets were those most likely to resist the plan of genocide: the opposition Prime Minister, the president of the constitutional court, priests, leaders of the Liberal Party and Social Democratic Party, the Information Minister, and tellingly, the negotiator of the Arusha Accord.  Those who hesitated to join the campaign, such as the governor of a southern province, were quickly removed from positions of influence or killed.  As a US intelligence analyst noted in late April,

“The plan appears to have been to wipe out any RPF ally or potential ally, and thus raise the costs and limit the possibility of an RPF/Tutsi takeover… No end to the unprecedented bloodshed is yet in sight.”  (US Department of State, Bureau of Intelligence and Research, Intelligence Assessment, “Roots of the Violence in Rwanda”, April 29, 1994)

As the killing intensified, the international community deserted Rwanda.  Western nations landed troops in Rwanda or Burundi in the first week to evacuate their citizens, did so, and left.  The UN mission (UNAMIR), created in October 1993 to keep the peace and assist the governmental transition in Rwanda, sought to intervene between the killers and civilians.  It also tried to mediate between the RPF and the Rwandan army after the RPF struck from Rwanda to protect Tutsi and rescue their battalion encamped in Kigali as part of the Accord.  On April 21, 1994, the United Nations Security Council, at the behest of the United States—which had no troops in Rwanda—Belgium, and others, voted to withdraw all but a remnant of UNAMIR.  The Security Council took this vote and others concerning Rwanda even as the representative of the genocidal regime sat amongst them as a non-permanent member.  After human rights, media, and diplomatic reports of the carnage mounted, the UN met and debated and finally arrived at a compromise response on May 16.  UNAMIR II, as it was to be known, would be a more robust force of 5,500 troops.  Again, however, the world failed to deliver, as the full complement of troops and materiel would not arrive in Rwanda until months after the genocide ended.  Faced with the UN’s delay, but also concerned about its image as a former patron and arms supplier of the Habyarimana regime, France announced on June 15 that it would intervene to stop the killing.  In a June 22 vote, the UN Security Council gave its blessing to this intervention; that same day, French troops entered Rwanda from Zaire.  While intending a wider intervention, confronted with the RPF’s rapid advance across Rwanda, the French set up a “humanitarian zone” in the southwest corner of Rwanda.  Their intervention succeeded in saving tens of thousands of Tutsi lives; it also facilitated the safe exit of many of the genocide’s plotters, who were allies of the French.


On July 4, the RPF took the capital, Kigali; two weeks later, it announced a new government comprised of RPF leaders and ministers previously selected for the transition government called for in the Arusha Accord.  With the RPF’s takeover, and with the encouragement of extremist radio, Rwandans implicated in the slaughter, their relatives and those who feared the arrival of the RPF, fled to neighboring countries.  In the end, the extremists killed nearly one million Rwandans, approximately one-tenth of the population.  Were it not for the RPF’s military prowess, the genocide would have continued.

Despite overwhelming evidence of genocide and knowledge as to its perpetrators, United States officials decided against taking a leading role in confronting the slaughter in Rwanda.  Rather, US officials confined themselves to public statements, diplomatic demarches, initiatives for a ceasefire, and attempts to contact both the interim government perpetrating the killing and the RPF.  The US did use its influence, however, at the United Nations, but did so to discourage a robust UN response (Document 4 and Document 13).  In late July, however, with the evidence of genocide littering the ground in Rwanda, the US did launch substantial operations—again, in a supporting role—to assist humanitarian relief efforts for those displaced by the genocide.

Note: The following documents are in PDF format.
You will need to download and install the free Adobe Acrobat Reader to view.


Document 1
Facsimile from Maj. Gen. Romeo Dallaire, Force Commander, United Nations Assistance Mission for Rwanda, to Maj. Gen. Maurice Baril, United Nations Department of Peacekeeping Operations, “Request for Protection for Informant”, January 11, 1994.
Source: US House of Representatives, Committee on International Relations, Subcommittee on International Operations and Human Rights, “Hearing: Rwanda: Genocide and the Continuing Cycle of Violence”, May 5, 1998

In this notorious “genocide fax” (originally published in The New Yorker), Gen. Dallaire warns UN peacekeeping officials—Maj. Gen. Maurice Baril, the military adviser to Secretary General Boutros Boutros-Ghali, and Kofi Annan, who at the time was Under Secretary General for PKO (peacekeeping operations) and is now UN Secretary General—of the existence of arms caches, a plot to assassinate Belgian UN peacekeepers and Rwandan members of parliament, and the existence of lists of Tutsis to be killed.  Dallaire informs New York of his intention to raid the caches, but foreshadowing later developments, Annan and DPKO official Iqbal Riza refuse the request, citing UNAMIR’s limited mandate.  Instead, they order Dallaire to apprise the president of Rwanda of the informant’s allegations, despite the fact that the arms caches and assassination plan are the work of those close to the president.  On April 7, the day after the shoot down of the President’s plane, members of the Presidential Guard carry out this plan, torturing, killing, and mutilating 10 Belgian soldiers in the UN contingent protecting the Prime Minister, who was also their target.  As foreseen by the plan’s authors, Belgium quickly withdrew their contingent from UNAMIR, breaking the backbone of the force.  Within two weeks, the UN Security Council voted to reduce UNAMIR to a token presence, removing the last impediment to the slaughter.

Document 2
Memorandum from Prudence Bushnell, Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary, Bureau of African Affairs, through Peter Tarnoff, Under Secretary for Political Affairs, to Secretary of State Warren Christopher, “Death of Rwandan and Burundian Presidents in Plane Crash Outside Kigali”, April 6, 1994.  Limited Official Use
Source: Freedom of Information Act release by the US Department of State

Bushnell, the State Department’s number two official for Africa matters, who would lead the State Department’s initial day-to-day efforts during the genocide, advises Secretary of State Warren Christopher of the assassination of Rwandan president Habyarimana and Burundian president Ntaryamira.  Bushnell alerts Christopher that “widespread violence” is likely upon the death of the president.  Ominously, she reports that “the military intend(s) to take over power temporarily”, and that they are “very resistant to working with the current (interim) Prime Minister”.  Indeed, the Prime Minister, Agathe Uwilingiyama, a member of the opposition MDR party, will be assassinated by members of the Presidential Guard the following day.

Document 3
Memorandum from Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense for Middle East/Africa, through Assistant Secretary of Defense for International Security Affairs, to Under Secretary of Defense for Policy, “Talking Points On Rwanda/Burundi”, April 11, 1994.  Confidential.
Source: Freedom of Information Act release by the Office of the Secretary of Defense

This document—apparently produced as a briefer for a dinner between Under Secretary Frank Wisner, the third ranking official at the Pentagon, and former Secretary of State Henry Kissinger—shows the Pentagon’s candid assessment about events in Rwanda only five days after the shoot down of the Rwandan president’s plane.  Pentagon Africa analysts conclude: if the peace process fails, “a massive bloodbath (hundreds of thousands of deaths) will ensue”; the “UN will likely withdraw all forces”; and the US will not get involved “until peace is restored”.  That these shocking details are offered as dinner conversation reveals the extent to which Pentagon analysts accepted it as inevitable.

Document 4
US Department of State, cable number 099440, to US Mission to the United Nations, New York, “Talking Points for UNAMIR Withdrawal”, April 15, 1994.   Confidential.
Source: Freedom of Information Act release by Department of State

This telegram forwards Department of State guidance to the US Mission to the UN in New York instructing US diplomats there that “the international community must give highest priority to full, orderly withdrawal of all UNAMIR personnel as soon as possible.”  Advising that this withdrawal does not require a UN Security Council resolution—which would have likely focused international criticism—the Department instructs the mission “that we will oppose any effort at this time to preserve a UNAMIR presence in Rwanda.”  April 15 was the first of two days of UN Security Council debate on next steps in Rwanda—for which the Rwandan ambassador was present and about which he reported back to the interim government in Rwanda.  Over that same weekend, aware the UN Security Council was in retreat, the interim Council of Ministers, the genocide’s architects, met in Kigali and decided to take the program of extermination to the rest of the country.

Document 5
Press Release, Office of the Press Secretary, The White House, “Statement by the Press Secretary”, April 22, 1994.  Non-classified.
Source: Freedom of Information Act release by the Department of State

Many consider this statement by the White House—done at the urging of Human Rights Watch—as the penultimate US initiative during the genocide.  In naming and calling on four Rwandan military leaders to “end the violence”, it is probably the sole example of high-level attention—however brief—trained on officials involved in the genocide.

Document 6
Discussion Paper, Office of the Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense for Middle East/Africa Region, Department of Defense, May 1, 1994.  Secret.
Source: Freedom of Information Act release by Office of the Secretary of Defense

A product of an intra-agency process comprised of working level Pentagon action officers with expertise in African affairs, humanitarian and refugee affairs, public affairs, and special operations, and also officials of the Joint Staff’s Strategic Plans and Policy division, this memo for the record provides an inside glimpse at the various goals, options and tactics discussed at a meeting of officials charged with day-to-day responsibility for the Rwanda crisis.  It is filled with cautions against the US becoming committed to action.  Genocide comes up in the discussion: “Be Careful.  Legal at State was worried about this yesterday—Genocide finding could commit USG to “do something”.

Document 7
US Department of State, cable number 113672, to US Embassy Bujumbura and US Embassy Dar es Salaam, “DAS Bushnell Tells Col. Bagosora to Stop the Killings”, April 29, 1994.  Limited Official Use.
Source: Freedom of Information Act release by the Department of State

State Department officials at the working level contacted Rwandan officials regularly to urge an end to the killing—to little effect.  In this cable, Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs Prudence Bushnell challenges Col. Theoneste Bagosora, cabinet director in Rwanda’s Ministry of Defense and the coordinator of the genocide, as to who is responsible for the massacres.  Ironically, his call for a cease-fire echoes the US call for the same, albeit for very different reasons.  The telegram also highlights the US government’s pre-occupation with returning to a “peace process”, when much of Rwanda is littered with corpses.

Document 8
Memorandum for the Vice President, et. al., “PDD 25: U.S. Policy on Reforming Multilateral Peace Operations”, May 3, 1994. Confidential with Secret attachment.
Source: Mandatory Declassification Review release by the National Security Council
Document 9
White paper, Department of State, “The Clinton Administration’s Policy on Reforming Multilateral Peace Operations”, May 1994.  Non-classified.
Source: Mandatory Declassification Review release by the National Security Council

Presidential Decision Directive 25 guides US government policy on peacekeeping operations, setting forth criteria that must be met before US participation can occur.  The document stipulates three different sets of criteria depending on the anticipated level of engagement.  One of the most controversial policy documents of the Clinton Administration’s first term, this directive was under development for more than a year, and during the review was the subject of bureaucratic infighting, leaks to the press, and strong Congressional criticism.  While much information in the directive itself remains classified, the State Department issued an executive summary as a “white paper”, which spells out the thresholds and criteria for US involvement in peace operations.

Document 10
Memorandum from Under Secretary of Defense for Policy to Deputy Assistant to the President for National Security, National Security Council, “Rwanda: Jamming Civilian Radio Broadcasts”, May 5, 1994.  Confidential.
Source: Freedom of Information Act release by the Office of the Secretary of Defense

As the carnage continued and a robust response by the US or others was not forthcoming, human rights groups, members of Congress, and others urged the Clinton Administration to counter or “jam” extremist radio broadcasts in Rwanda.  These broadcasts spread fear amongst the Rwandan populace, urged participation in the killing, shamed those who sought not to participate, and in many cases, specifically named and provided the whereabouts of those to be killed.  As such, the radio broadcasts were essential to the fulfillment of the program of extermination.  In this memo, Frank Wisner, the number three official at the Pentagon, acknowledges internal discussions about the feasibility of countering the hate radio.  He replies to Sandy Berger, the deputy to National Security Adviser Tony Lake, that undertaking the initiative to “jam” the radio would be “ineffective and expensive”; a “wiser” activity would be to assist the “relief effort”.

Document 11
Defense Intelligence Report, Defense Intelligence Agency, “Rwanda: The Rwandan Patriotic Front’s Offensive”, May 9, 1994.  Secret/NOFORN (not releasable to foreign nationals).
Source: Freedom of Information Act release by the Defense Intelligence Agency

Produced one month into the genocide, this report declares that “Almost immediately after President Habyarimana was killed, in Kigali the Presidential Guard began the systematic execution of prominent Tutsi and moderate Hutu” and that the violence is “directed by high-level officials within the interim government”.  It identifies the army as pursuing a “genocide …to destroy the leadership of the Tutsi community.”  In contrast to many of the public statements of US officials at the time, this analysis shows that the government did discern between the planned slaughter of civilians and the renewed warfare between the Rwandan armed forces and the rebel RPF.

Document 12
Memorandum of Conversation, Office of the Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense for Middle East/Africa Region, Department of Defense, “Rwanda Interagency Telecon”, drafted by Lt. Col. Michael Harvin, circa May 11, 1994.  Secret.
Source: Freedom of Information Act release by the Office of the Secretary of Defense

This memorandum serves as a vivid account of the differing perspectives and postures of the players engaged in the response to the crisis in Rwanda, complete with exclamation marks indicating the memo drafter’s incredulity at a participant’s remarks.  The interagency teleconference on Rwanda occurred daily, serving an information exchange function and an option vetting function.  Attending from the Pentagon side at this meeting are officials from the Middle East/Africa office, the peacekeeping/peace enforcement office, and the office of the Assistant Secretary for Special Operations & Low Intensity Conflict, in addition to military members of the Joint Staff.  This report demonstrates the gulf between the views of the State Department and National Security Council officials and the views of Pentagon and military officials: “the meeting degenerated into a NSC/State attempt to sign-up the Principals to support a Chapter VII operation wearing Chapter VI sheep’s clothing, with OSD and Joint Staff in stiff opposition.”  In translation, this refers to NSC and State representatives’ efforts to persuade senior Pentagon officials and the Joint Chiefs of Staff to agree to “peace enforcement” (read possible combat operations) in Rwanda, rather than waiting in vain for a ceasefire that will not come in order to do “peacekeeping”.

Document 13
US Department of State, cable number 127262, to US Mission to the United Nations, New York, “Rwanda: Security Council Discussions”, May 13, 1994.  Confidential.
Source: Freedom of Information Act release by the Department of State

Under Secretary of State for Political Affairs Peter Tarnoff and senior officials, including the Director of the Joint Staff, drafted and approved this cable delivering instructions to the US Mission in New York for Security Council debate over replenishing UNAMIR.  With much of the killing completed and most of the remaining armed forces fleeing the RPF’s countrywide advance, US officials argue against a UN plan for a robust effort launched into Kigali to protect surviving Rwandans, rescue others, and deliver assistance.  Such a plan, “in current circumstances, would require a Chapter VII mandate”, and the US “is not prepared at this point to lift heavy equipment and troops into Kigali”.  It is however, willing to consider its own plan, “outside-in”, by which protective zones would be established on Rwanda’s borders.  Even this plan, however, is likely to be “an active protection operation requiring the use of lethal force.”  As for the several thousand Rwandans in Kigali under deteriorating UN protection, “we recommend that these ad hoc protective efforts should continue until a suitable alternative arrangement can be ensured.”  Even when a plan for 5,500 troops with a protection mandate is finally approved on May 17, the troops would not all be in place until September, two months after the RPF captures the country and one month after Gen. Dallaire completed his service in Rwanda.

Document 14
Action memorandum from Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs George E. Moose, Assistant Secretary of State for Democracy, Human Rights and Labor John Shattuck, Assistant Secretary of State for International Organization Affairs Douglas J. Bennet, and Department of State Legal Adviser Conrad K. Harper, through Under Secretary of State for Political Affairs Peter Tarnoff and Under Secretary of State for Global Affairs Tim Wirth, to Secretary of State Warren Christopher, “Has Genocide Occurred in Rwanda?”, May 21, 1994.  Secret.
Source: Freedom of Information Act release by the Department of State

The internal debate over whether genocide was occurring in Rwanda in 1994 and US officials’ use of the term began nearly as soon as the killing began.  Nevertheless, Department of State officials refrained from characterizing it as such for weeks.  While on June 10 Secretary of State Warren Christopher finally publicly called the Rwandan slaughter “genocide”, on May 21 he had authorized Department officials—“in light of the stark facts in Rwanda”—to use the formulation “acts of genocide have occurred” and authorized delegations to agree to resolutions using various formulations of the term.  The memo argues for consistency with the use of the term with relation to Bosnia.  A previous memo dated May 16, sought approval to use the term “genocide has occurred”, but this formulation didn’t hold.  Interestingly, the principal officials here find no legal obligation in the use of either formulation; but in avoiding use of the “genocide label”, US “credibility will be undermined with human rights groups and the general public”.

Document 15
Memorandum from Assistant Secretary for Intelligence and Research Toby T. Gati to Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs George Moose and Department of State Legal Adviser Conrad Harper, “Rwanda – Geneva Convention Violations”, circa May 18, 1994.  Secret/ORCON (originator controlled).
Source: Freedom of Information Act release by the Department of State

This intelligence analysis, prepared for Secretary Christopher’s decision as to use of the genocide label, finds “substantial, circumstantial evidence implicating senior Rwandan government and military officials in the widespread, systematic killing” of Tutsis and moderate Hutus.  The RPF, “unlike government forces”, “does not appear to have committed Geneva Convention defined genocidal atrocities.”  The analysts report that between “200,000 to 500,000” are dead.  It also finds it credible that “Hutu elements in the military” “killed Habyarimana in order to block” the power-sharing Arusha Accords and “eliminate the Tutsi-dominated RPF and sympathetic Hutus”.

Document 16
Draft Legal Analysis, Office of the Legal Adviser, Department of State, drafted by Assistant Legal Adviser for African Affairs Joan Donoghue, May 16, 1994.  Secret.
Source: Freedom of Information Act release by the Department of State

This legal analysis, like the preceding intelligence analysis, was prepared for Secretary of State Christopher’s decision concerning the public use of the term “genocide” to describe events in Rwanda.  In analyzing the applicability of definitions from the Genocide Convention of 1948 to the events in Rwanda, the assistant legal adviser finds that there is “little question” that genocidal acts have occurred in Rwanda; finds that “most of those killed in Rwanda have been Tutsi civilians”; and finds that “acts have apparently been committed with the requisite intent to destroy, in whole or in part, the Tutsi group”.  She also argues that ascertaining an accurate figure for numbers of deaths “is not critical to this analysis” that genocide has occurred.                     “”””” [SOURCE]


Posted in Another light in the dark..., Gaza, Human Rights, images, Israel, Isreal, MOSSAD, My fight…, My truth…, NEWS, Orient, Palestine, religion, REMEMBER, Terra, terror, terrorism, The reality behind the shadows…, truth, Uncategorized, video, VIDEO FILES, zionism on March 23, 2011 by Djiin Of Truth

Mubarak´s supporter (by Raja Chemayel)

Posted in Another side of this world…, blog, blogg, FALSE FLAG, focus, Human Rights, images, NEWS, Orient, Photo, Pictures, Quotes, REMEMBER, Terra, terror, terrorism, The reality behind the shadows…, truth, Uncategorized with tags , , , on February 3, 2011 by Djiin Of Truth


“””    The so-called supporters of Mubarak´s Regime
mostly Policemen in civilian clothes have attacked
the real-protesters , the real-people ,
the real-democracy-seekers…………..of Egypt.

Any pro-Mubarak-person must be from the upper-class
or the upper-mid-class
or any profiteers of any class ….known as Baltagia
which means ” thug-for-hire”.

You need not to be an Egypt-expert , to figure out
that normally the pro-Mubarak supporters would
drive a BMW , AUDI or Mercedes….
( and I know personaly many of them)

Therefore the man on the Camel in that above picture
must be a Baltagi…………..hired to make troubles !!!

Imagine !! today
even the PM of the UK Mr. Cameroon
suggested that HUSSNY is using such thugs.

Having seen that phenomena today,
I remind you that myself, even, suspects
that Mubarak must be also behind the
Church bombing in Alexandria !!    “”” [source]

” The Plundering of Iraq’s National Museum: What Really Happened? “

Posted in ABUSE, Another light in the dark..., crimes, focus, Irak, Iraq, Orient, Quotes, REMEMBER, The reality behind the shadows…, truth, Uncategorized, USA on January 31, 2011 by Djiin Of Truth


We very often take in information without thinking about where it comes from or why it was produced. Unfortunately, that is the way things stand today with news of events in the Middle East—some things we hear about in distorted form, and some things we do not hear about at all. A lot of questions surround the story of the National Museum of Baghdad and the treasures of ancient Mesopotamian civilizations stored in it. At first glance, the situation seems very clear—looters ransacked the museum, which had been left undefended, destroying and selling a large number of artifacts. It was all very simple and apparently there was no question about what happened. But why is it that we so often hear about events that call into question the official reports that the news media are so insistent on giving us and that sometimes completely contradict the official story? What actually happened to the museum’s exhibits? Is it possible that instead of the truth they are trying to feed us a new “tale of the old orient?” In order to make sense of what happened we need to start by looking at the facts.

The Baghdad Museum was founded in 1923 in King Faisal’s Palace at the urging of the English archaeologist Gertrude Bell. The collection was moved in 1926 to a separate building and was called the Museum of Iraq. That was when it started admitting visitors. By 1966, numerous archaeological digs in Mesopotamia had significantly expanded its collection, and the museum moved into a new building that could accommodate it. Unique gold artifacts from the Treasure of Nimrod were added to the collection in 1988. Ten days after Iraq invaded Kuwait in 1990, Saddam Hussein ordered the Nimrod gold hidden in safes at the National Bank. The condition of the National Museum’s collection has been unclear since that date. The museum was closed in the spring of 1991 because military operations began, and it only opened for visitors nine years later on April 28, 2000, the 63rd birthday of the Iraqi leader. However, none of the Nimrod artifacts were among the exhibits in the national collection—they were not found until Matthew Bogdanos’s investigation in June 2003.

Disaster struck between the 8th and 12th of April, 2003, when fighting broke out on the museum grounds, and museum employees left the building. The museum was massively looted and artifacts of world culture destroyed. Thousands of priceless historic and archaeological relics belonging to the ancient Sumerian civilization and other periods of Mesopotamian history disappeared from storerooms. According to official reports, looters plundered the museum for about 48 hours. Months were required to assess the damage to the museum. Initially, 170 thousand out of the just over 500 thousand exhibits in the museum were reported lost. However, that number has since reduced many times. It is currently believed that approximately 15 thousand items were lost. Among the stolen artifacts that have been recovered were exhibits of world significance—the alabaster Uruk vase depicting the goddess Inanna (3200 B.C.E.) and the marble mask known as the Sumerian Mona Lisa or the Lady of Warka.

It was only in February 2009, six years after the invasion, that the museum was again able to open its doors to visitors, primarily by using funds from outside the country. Financial assistance provided by Italy’s government (about €1 million) was particularly helpful. However, only about 8.5 thousand of the 15 thousand lost exhibits have been recovered. Official sources have the following to say about the looting of the Iraqi museum’s cultural valuables.

The television company NBC televised a report about the devastating invasion of the National Museum of Antiquities of Iraq in Baghdad by looters. NBC said that according to witness reports the looters plundered exhibits, burned documents and inventory lists stored in the museum and got into the underground storage rooms where especially valuable artifacts were kept.

Marine Corps Reserve Colonel Matthew Bogdanos organized a large-scale investigation into what happened and a search for the missing property on April 16, 2003. His team was able to assess the scale of the events and offer amnesty to the people of Baghdad for returning cultural artifacts. That resulted in the return of almost two thousand exhibits to the museum. A large number of exhibits were also found during special raids. In addition, Bogdanos gave information about the destruction of the museum to UNESCO, museum curators and antiquarians in Europe and the United States, the coalition forces headquarters and the customs services of all Middle Eastern states. These actions led to the recovery of a large portion of the stolen exhibits—about five to six thousand items, including the gold of Nimrod that had disappeared in 1991.

Over the next five years the FBI, Interpol and customs officials in Syria and Lebanon recovered about 1.5 thousand more items and returned them to Baghdad. Iraqi Minister of Tourism and Antiquities Qahtan Abbas told AFP in an interview that items surfaced in Europe, Middle Eastern countries, Japan and Peru. However, part of the collection has found its way into private collections. According to UNESCO, three to seven thousand items are still considered missing.

Virtually all of the blame for what happened belongs to the inaction of American soldiers and the thoughtless acts of the looters. Former museum director Donny George called the failure of the Americans to intervene the “crime of the century.” Deputy Director Nabhal Amin believes that the Americans were obligated to protect the museum: “If they had just one tank and two soldiers nothing like this would have happened. I hold the American troops responsible for what happened to this museum.” Her resentment is entirely understandable; by the time the Americans finally put a guard on the museum, it was the most looted building in the Iraqi capital—28 galleries, storerooms and archives were in ruins. Mohsen Kazim, who had guarded the museum for 30 years, was outraged by the recklessness of the looters: “We know people want to eat, but what will they do with these ancient artifacts?”

However, statements by eyewitnesses that are mentioned less frequently in the news media provoke interest and raise questions. In trying to understand what went on, we are often faced with the fact that the museum staff believe the looters knew what they were looking for and acted intentionally, destroying and carrying off only the most valuable exhibits. The robbery was carried out by a well-prepared group of people completely unopposed by American soldiers. Of course, there were also thieves who acted spontaneously. Some sources claim that the Americans almost seemed to guard the looters. These surprisingly well-prepared criminals easily opened the steel doors of storerooms and were well acquainted with the layout of even the underground storerooms. US Attorney General John Ashcroft confirmed that in his interview: “From the evidence that has emerged, there is a strong case to be made that the looting and theft of the artifacts were perpetrated by organized criminal groups—criminals who knew precisely what they were looking for.” Officials hastened to say that the thieves were Iraqis. However, Rumsfeld took no actions to prevent the thefts or stop them, which can hardly be called a simple oversight. US scholars warned the Pentagon about the possibility of theft even before the war started and requested that it prevent the destruction of ancient artifacts. In its report on the subject broadcast Monday, NBC referenced the well-known American orientalist Maguire Gibson of the Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago. Gibson said that he visited the Pentagon three times before the beginning of US military operations in Iraq and warned American military authorities about the value of the unique collections in the Baghdad museums. Similar meetings were held in the US Department of Defense by a delegation of museum workers, scholars and collectors who also called on the Pentagon to make every possible effort to save that world heritage. However, they were unable to prevent the Baghdad museum from being looted.

The reason why officials displayed so little willingness to stop the looting can be explained by the fact that they saw their mission as reducing Iraq’s significance as a nation, and the actions by the Iraqi looters only contributed to that. According to Michigan University President Peter McPherson, who headed the Treasury Department’s Iraq team, “The privatization that occurs sort of naturally when somebody took over their state vehicle, or began to drive a truck that the state used to own, was just fine.” John Agresto saw his job in Iraq as the remaking of Iraq’s system of higher education from scratch. In that context, the looting of local universities and the education ministry was, in his words, “the opportunity for a clean start.” However, it is unlikely that he knew Iraq had the best education system in the region before it was strangled by sanctions. Iraq had the highest level of literacy in the Arab world—89% of Iraqis were literate in 1985. Unfortunately, according to local residents, many American soldiers did not even know that Iraq’s history stretches back more than seven thousand years.

But none of this explains the intentional destruction by looters of the most important antiquities. For example, they flattened the nose and beard of the copper head of the Akkadian king (about 4300 B.C.E.) and, and they destroyed hundreds of clay tablets with ancient cuneiform writing. The journalist and writer Viktor Filatov sees in these actions nothing more than a desire by Jewish nationalists to destroy all traces of a more ancient culture. As we know, virtually the entire Old Testament is largely a repetition of ancient Sumerian legends about the flood, which refutes the Jewish claims of being the progenitors of mankind’s cultural heritage. Filatov believes that the looters acted on instructions from Jewish nationalists to destroy not only artifacts, but ancient culture as such.

Apparently, the people who damaged the head of the Akkadian king were governed by blind vengeance similar to other Iraqis who were opposed to Saddam Hussein’s regime and vented their feelings on his many statues. It is difficult to say whether it was Jewish nationalists and people acting under their orders or Iraqi extremists indignant at what was happening in their country. It may have been both. Most likely, it was mainly specially trained groups who destroyed the cultural artifacts in the Iraqi museum; the number of Iraqi looters was small. All of the authors generally fall into two extremes. Either they blame Americans after Iraqi oil, or they blame Jewish nationalists who want to destroy the real “cradle of human culture.” Someone is still screaming about world terrorism. However, there are specific individuals behind all of these events—people obsessed with huge amounts of oil money or with an ideology who try to cover up and depersonalize their activities with concepts like “the Americans,” “Iraqi looters” or “Jewish nationalists.” After all, those “Americans” that most people blame so vehemently are millions of housewives and ordinary working men and women who have little understanding even of the price of oil, and American soldiers are only people carrying out the orders of their leaders—specific individuals. The word “soldier” has no nationality. We should not forget that it was the US government that funded the restoration of the museum (Washington allocated $13 million). So all of these accusations are nothing more than a cry in the wilderness. We cannot put all Americans, Iraqis and Jews on trial. It turns out that there is an enemy, and everybody knows him. He is discussed and accused, and people feel better for that. We know who the guilty party is, but who specifically is accountable for what happened? Unfortunately, only a few scapegoats snatched from the crowd of “guilty parties.”

Thanks to Google, cultural support by Italy and financial support from the US State Department, a virtual National Museum of In Iraq has been created on the Internet. It gives all Internet users access to the treasures of the Baghdad Museum, including the lost and missing exhibits. “This is not just a repository of objects stored in the museum. This is a virtual journey through the six thousand years of Mesopotamian history, intended for the general public, and for the scientific community,” said Roberto De Mattei, Director of the National Research Council of Italy. However, the virtual project can never replace the actual art objects. As Gordon Newby, a historian and Professor of Middle Eastern Studies at Emory University in Atlanta said, what happened in the museum “is just one of the most tragic things that could happen for our being able to understand the past.”

Accusations that Abdul Talakani’s ministry is not overly concerned about the fate of pre-Islamic artifacts are certainly not justified. He justifiably refutes the accusations by saying it is hard to talk about antiquities when people are dying, or when they have no lights or water, and he added that it nevertheless needs to be done before it is too late. Therefore, the main task now is to prevent museum valuables from being looted again and provide the needed level of security both for the National Museum of Baghdad and for the other no less important historical facilities in Iraq.  “””

George W. Bush-Speech you didn’t hear

Posted in Afghanistan, blog, blogg, images, Irak, Iraq, REMEMBER, Terra, terror, terrorism, truth, Uncategorized, USA, video, VIDEO FILES, war on January 22, 2011 by Djiin Of Truth

~   George W. Bush-Speech you didn’t hear  [link] ~


Posted in ABUSE, Another side of this world…, crimes, Documentary, Pictures, religion, REMEMBER, Terra, The reality behind the shadows…, truth, Uncategorized, video, VIDEO FILES on January 13, 2011 by Djiin Of Truth